| |
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| |
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| |
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| THE FEDERAL RESERVE BOARD |
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| |
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| BUILDING SUSTAINABLE HOMEOWNERSHIP: |
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| RESPONSIBLE LENDING AND INFORMED CONSUMER CHOICE |
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| |
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| 10 Independence Mall |
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| Philadelphia, Pennsylvania |
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| Friday, June 9, 2006 |
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| |
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| |
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| |
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| TAKEN BEFORE: Emilie Pakman, Notary Public |
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| |
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| |
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| |
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| CLASS ACT REPORTING AGENCY |
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| Registered Professional Reporters |
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| 1420 Walnut Street, Suite 1212, Philadelphia, PA 19103 |
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| (215) 928-9760 |
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| 133 H Gaither Drive, Mt. Laurel, NJ 08054 |
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| (856) 235-5108 |
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| |
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| BOARD OF GOVERNORS: |
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| MARK W. OLSON |
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| SAUNDRA BRAUNSTEIN |
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| LEONARD CHANIN |
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| MICHAEL COLLINS |
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| PANEL I: |
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| JANICE BOWDLER |
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| DOUGLAS G. DUNCAN |
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| IRA GOLDSTEIN |
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| PETER ZORN |
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| PANEL II: |
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| IRV ACKELSBERG |
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| DAVID BERENBAUM |
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| DAVID BLEICKEN |
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| JOE FALK |
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| JACK GUTTENTAG |
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| PANEL III: |
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| LORETTA ABRAMS |
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| BRUCE DORPALEN |
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| ERIC EVE |
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| MARK PINSKY |
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| ERIC STEIN |
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| |
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| (Whereupon, the proceedings commenced |
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| at 8:30 a.m.) |
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| GOVERNOR OLSON: We will begin. We |
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| have all but one of our panelists. I understand |
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| one of the panelists, Ira Goldstein, is in route, |
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| and we have two of the four representatives from |
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| the Fed system. I'm sure the other two will be |
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| here shortly. |
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| Let me, first of all, thank |
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| Philadelphia Fed for hosting these meetings this |
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| morning and providing us with the facilities. |
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| These are extraordinarily useful sessions. We |
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| finished the session in Chicago on Wednesday, and |
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| we're happy to be here today. |
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| We've got -- just to talk through, if I |
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| can, in order to make the best use of the time, |
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| we've asked each of the panelists to give us a |
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| five-minute opening statement, and after the |
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| five-minute statement, what you will get, and |
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| would you show them the signs, so that they know. |
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| The first is one minute, the second is, time is |
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| up. There's not a lot of ambiguity in those, and |
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| we tend to enforce those pretty rigorously, and |
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| because of that fact, what we've discovered is |
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| that we still, with an hour and a half on this |
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| panel, have ample time for discussion and ample |
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| time for dialogue. |
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| This panel will go until 10:30. We |
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| will take a break and come back and have a panel |
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| from 10:30 to noon. We'll break for lunch. And |
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| then other another panel and, very importantly, |
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| beginning at 3 o'clock, we have what we call an |
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| open mike, and people can, who would care to do |
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| so, who have a statement they would like to make, |
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| are invited to participate at that time, and |
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| people will have a three-minute opportunity to |
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| speak if they would like to. |
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| Also, for everybody, panelists and open |
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| mike participants, if they would like, they have |
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| up to August 15th, a time allotted to them, to |
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| give an additional written statement that will |
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| become part of the permanent record. And we look |
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| forward to a very full exchange. |
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| This is part of a -- this is a -- I |
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| think it was 2000, Sandy, that we did the first |
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| HOEPA hearings. After, it was determined -- and |
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| of course those hearings resulted in the HOEPA |
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| regs that were implemented in 2002. A tremendous |
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| amount of change has taken place in the mortgage |
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| industry since that time. And as a result, we |
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| have a number of reasons for holding the hearings |
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| today. |
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| Number one, is that we want to examine |
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| the extent to which the 2002 HOEPA regs are |
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| adequate, are appropriate, or should they be |
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| revised. We also are going to use these hearings |
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| to determine the extent to which the channels |
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| which mortgages come through are impacting the |
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| mortgage process. It is our intent to look and to |
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| use these hearings to determine whether or not |
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| there ought to be an amendment for Reg Z as part |
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| of this. And the more soft results we hope to |
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| come out of this would be the -- we would look for |
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| areas where -- we, the Federal Reserve, could |
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| provide additional education, or, if necessary, |
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| additional study. |
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| From the Federal Reserve we have a |
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| couple people here, Sandy Braunstein, Director of |
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| Consumer and Community Affairs; Leonard Chanin, |
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| who is the Associate Director of Consumer and |
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| Community Affairs; and Mike Collins is with us, |
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| from the Philadelphia Fed. |
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| We identify, or at least I identify, |
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| four separate important groups that have ownership |
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| in this process and are important to the entire |
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| mortgage industry, and to the economy for that |
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| matter. Number one, very importantly, is the |
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| consumer. In a free society, in a free economy, |
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| there's an underlying presumption that the |
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| consumer is responsible for their actions, and the |
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| consumer undoubtedly, unquestionably, has been the |
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| beneficiary of many of the changes, many of the |
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| improvements, that have been taking place in this |
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| industry. It is remarkable, not simply in the |
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| mortgage industry, but all credit products for |
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| that matter, all financial products, the consumer |
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| has benefited enormously by the improvements and |
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| the access, but it has been a mixed blessing. |
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| Another group that has a responsibility |
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| of course, is the providers and the contacts to |
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| this meeting, that would be the mortgage |
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| providers. I have told this story other times; |
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| let me tell it again, because I think it brings |
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| home, to me, at least, an important point. Some |
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| of you know I spent a good share of my life in the |
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| banking industry. At no point was I primarily a |
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| mortgage lender, but I think that over the course |
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| of a 16-year banking career I think I was involved |
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| in closing more than a hundred mortgage loans, and |
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| yet, even with that background, I have never been |
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| involved in the closing of my own loan where I |
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| haven't felt, somewhat, at a knowledge |
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| disadvantage, with respect to the process, because |
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| it was a very daunting process. It requires a lot |
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| of paperwork, a lot of signatures, a lot of |
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| documentation, and there is an extraordinary |
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| knowledge asymmetry. I think that what that |
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| means, is that there is a very significant |
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| responsibility that the mortgage lenders have to |
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| not take advantage of that knowledge asymmetry and |
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| all of us to try to work to find ways to reduce |
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| that, or, at least, deal with that. I don't think |
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| that there is a way; it is impossible that you |
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| would ever close that gap entirely, but there is a |
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| recognition that that gap exists and we need to |
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| deal with it. |
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| The third group that I think has a very |
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| important role and interest are the community |
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| groups and consumer advisory groups. We have |
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| noted, and many of the people involved in mortgage |
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| lending have noted, that the best access to the |
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| minority communes are through the community |
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| activists and through the community organizers. |
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| That group provides an access that provides the |
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| ability to help close that information gap and |
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| make us aware of where there are individuals or |
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| institutions, at times, who are taking advantage |
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| of that knowledge asymmetry, and so I think that |
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| that partnership is an important one. |
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| The fourth group, of course, is the |
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| regulators and that's why we're here. I have said |
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| at one point in my life I, also, was involved in |
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| advising financial institutions on regulatory |
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| affairs and I know from that long experience that |
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| there was no group that was more at the forefront |
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| of both developing the education and the |
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| regulatory construct as was the Federal Reserve. |
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| And some of my colleagues, Sandy, in particular, |
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| who has been doing it for many, many years, take |
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| that role very seriously. |
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| Because we still have one chair empty, |
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| we will go counter-clockwise in this meeting. |
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| We'll ask you to begin, introduce yourself, |
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| introduce your group, speak for five minutes, be |
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| mindful of the time, and don't worry, we'll help |
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| you if you go over. |
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| Peter Zorn. |
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| MR. ZORN: I'm Peter Zorn. My |
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| background, to be explicit, is, I'm an economist |
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| and researcher. My experience that I'm speaking |
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| from is from years of looking at the HMDA data as |
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| well as detailed underwriting data, in terms of |
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| credit modeling. Also, surveys that we have taken |
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| for impaired credit and focus groups associated |
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| with the surveys and just being in the industry, |
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| as it were, in the secondary industry for the last |
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| 15 years or so. |
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| I'd like to make just a couple of brief |
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| observations. I guess the first, with regards to |
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| things that I observe, hypotheses of why they are |
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| what they are. The first is minority borrowers, I |
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| guess, stating a point that's well-known, are more |
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| likely to pay more for mortgages. What do I mean |
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| when I say that? One way of characterizing that |
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| more explicitly, is that if you look at APR |
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| distributions about minority borrowers, you will |
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| see that that distribution is shifted to the |
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| higher APR for minorities as compared to non |
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| minorities. |
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| So, then, the next point I would make |
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| would be that differences in those prices, those |
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| APRs are greater across markets than within |
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| markets. So another way of making that point is, |
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| if you look at subprime borrowers in the APR |
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| distribution of subprime borrowers, you would see |
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| a difference in those distributions for minorities |
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| and non minorities. That is, in general, |
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| minorities would have a slightly higher set |
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| distribution of APRs than non minorities. |
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| But if you made a different -- looked |
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| at different distributions, if you look, instead, |
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| at the APR distributions of minority borrowers in |
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| the prime market versus the subprime market, you'd |
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| see a much -- substantially larger difference in |
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| distributions. That is, there's a much bigger |
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| difference -- the difference between minority |
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| borrowers in the prime markets and the subprime |
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| market, minority borrowers, in the subprime |
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| market, pay substantially more than in the prime |
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| market, and that difference between minority |
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| borrowers in general, the bigger difference, would |
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| be in the subprime market between minorities and |
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| non-minority borrowers. |
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| So that leads to, sort of, another |
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| observation, which is the, sort of, market |
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| segmentation matters. Does it matter whether your |
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| in a prime market or a subprime market, which |
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| leads to my next observation, which is that risk |
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| explains a lot, but certainly not all of those |
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| differences. And by "risk" I mean, all the risk, |
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| credit risk, interest rate risk, prepayment risk, |
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| associated with mortgage lending. One way to put |
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| a little more explicit flavor to that observation |
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| is that if you do statistical estimations of APR |
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| -- I try to explain APR as a function of a lot of |
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| variables, product characteristics, borrower |
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| characteristics, underwriting characteristics -- |
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| what you end up with is, explaining much, again, |
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| but not all, of the differences in APRs, so that |
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| there is an unexplained difference between |
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| minorities and non minorities, but it is |
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| dramatically reduced. |
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| So, then, I will stop and say that this |
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| is an essential tendency. So I concede, again, |
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| I'm an economist and a researcher, so I look at |
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| central tendencies, so that is the point I want to |
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| make here, which is, this is a broad central |
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| tendency, not that there are not differences that |
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| exist for individual borrowers, and minority |
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| borrowers can, and sometimes do, pay rates which |
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| are higher, and that can't be explained by these |
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| models or these stories. So the question would |
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| be, why? And so, for me, at least part of that |
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| explanation is the channel by which borrowers do |
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| get their mortgage, and so if we conduct, sort of, |
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| another experiment, which is to try to explain APR |
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| differences between minority and non-minority |
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| borrowers by channel. |
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| So let's look at subprime borrowers. |
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| Well, I'll stop I guess. Thank you very much. |
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| GOVERNOR OLSON: Peter, I can assure |
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| you that, I for one -- you're right at the heart |
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| of the issue, which is how do we explain the APR |
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| differences among minority and non-minority |
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| borrowers and what does that mean. |
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| Ira, thank you for joining us. In |
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| order to make full use of all of the time, we got |
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| started right at 8:30, and we're a little bit |
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| ahead of the 9:00 start for this panel, but it |
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| will give us the full opportunity. But we will be |
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| back, and we'll want to come right back to that |
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| issue, because there probably is no more -- singly |
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| more important issue that we can discuss. |
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| Our next speaker is Doug Duncan, and |
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| for those of you that think that something has |
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| gone wrong in your internal body antennae has just |
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| flipped you over and you are now listening to |
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| Garrison Keillor, it is because Doug and I are |
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| from the same hometown in Minnesota and we all |
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| sound like Garrison Keillor from up there. So |
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| Doug, if you do keep your accent in check, and |
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| introduce yourself and then speak for five |
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| minutes. |
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| Just as a reminder, this panel group is |
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| asked to speak on the subprime market and how |
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| consumers shop for credit. |
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| MR. DUNCAN: Thank you, and indeed all |
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| our children are above average. |
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| Good morning. I'm Doug Duncan, the |
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| Senior Vice President of Research and Business |
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| Development and Chief Economist at the Mortgage |
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| Bankers Association. Governor Olson and other |
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| members of the Federal Reserve Board, I appreciate |
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| the opportunity to participate in this very |
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| important panel. |
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| MBA members are proud of their |
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| participation in the subprime market and would |
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| like to share that success with you. I want to |
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| make three points. |
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| First, market compression in subprime |
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| rates closer to prime rates, lowering the cost of |
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| mortgage credit for subprime borrowers. Second, |
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| foreclosure and delinquency rates are not |
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| indications of predatory lending but of the ever |
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| improving precision of lenders' ability to assess |
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| risk; and third, if we want to enable borrowers to |
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| protect themselves in getting the best deal, we |
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| have to do the following: Improve borrower |
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| education in the mortgage process; make simpler, |
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| more meaningful disclosures; and shop, shop, shop, |
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| or impress upon the consumers the need to |
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| comparison shop for mortgages. |
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| The subprime market has evolved |
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| dramatically in recent years providing significant |
20 | 14 |
| benefits to consumers. There's little |
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| distinction, today, between prime and subprime, no |
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| credit score threshold, or interest rate, or other |
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| low term specifically defines a loan as subprime. |
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| Fixed rating examines the securitized |
1 | 15 |
| loans data and noted that the spread is being |
2 | 15 |
| weighted average on loan pools identified by the |
3 | 15 |
| issue as prime. It is only 200 basis points lower |
4 | 15 |
| than pools identified as subprime. In 1999 that |
5 | 15 |
| spread was about 300 basis points. |
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| There are two major factors accounting |
7 | 15 |
| for this. First, compressionate credit spreads |
8 | 15 |
| across fixed income markets has driven down the |
9 | 15 |
| cost of subprime credit, and second, competition |
10 | 15 |
| has lowered the cost of subprime credit. This |
11 | 15 |
| blurring in the line indicates sustained increased |
12 | 15 |
| competition, which improves service and access and |
13 | 15 |
| lowers consumer cost. I caution against over |
14 | 15 |
| regulation in the market, as it could eliminate |
15 | 15 |
| the benefits subprime markets offers to consumers. |
16 | 15 |
| I'd also like to touch on defaults and |
17 | 15 |
| foreclosures in the subprime market to discard the |
18 | 15 |
| notion that default and disclosure rates are "too |
19 | 15 |
| high" and indicate predatory lending. It's |
20 | 15 |
| important to note that marketplace growth, when |
21 | 15 |
| interpreting delinquency and foreclosure numbers. |
22 | 15 |
| According to the 2000 HMDA data, there are 8.3 |
23 | 15 |
| million loan applications. In 2004, the HMDA data |
24 | 15 |
| showed 9.8 million loan applications. With market |
1 | 16 |
| growth and constant foreclosure rates, the number |
2 | 16 |
| of foreclosures will increase. |
3 | 16 |
| However, too frequently, some market |
4 | 16 |
| analysts point to the increased foreclosures as a |
5 | 16 |
| problem, when it simply reflects a constant or |
6 | 16 |
| even declining foreclosure rate in the context of |
7 | 16 |
| market growth. Subprime borrowers are riskier |
8 | 16 |
| candidates for credit, as demonstrated by their |
9 | 16 |
| past performance, so lenders charge them more on a |
10 | 16 |
| mortgage to offset the risk of nonpayment. This |
11 | 16 |
| increased risk bears itself out in greater default |
12 | 16 |
| and foreclosure rates than in the prime market. |
13 | 16 |
| In the fourth quarter of 2005, the |
14 | 16 |
| prime market had a foreclosure rate of 0.4 |
15 | 16 |
| percent, and the subprime market had a rate of 3.3 |
16 | 16 |
| percent. Compare that to the foreclosure |
17 | 16 |
| inventory rate of subprime loans of 2001 peaking |
18 | 16 |
| at 9 percent. These numbers tell a good story |
19 | 16 |
| about the demand of risk and the wherewithal of |
20 | 16 |
| subprime borrowers. |
21 | 16 |
| While mortgage markets are plunging for |
22 | 16 |
| consumers, borrowers find it challenging to |
23 | 16 |
| understand the mortgage process. While |
24 | 16 |
| overhauling our education system to make financial |
1 | 17 |
| literacy a priority, it is a long-term goal. We |
2 | 17 |
| think three short term steps must be taken to help |
3 | 17 |
| improve borrower understanding. |
4 | 17 |
| First, borrowers have to educate |
5 | 17 |
| themselves in the mortgage process. Second, |
6 | 17 |
| consumers need simpler, more user friendly |
7 | 17 |
| disclosures about mortgage loans that will help |
8 | 17 |
| them shop, and then, third, consumers need to shop |
9 | 17 |
| from lender to lender. |
10 | 17 |
| Our research shows that homebuyers, |
11 | 17 |
| particularly first-time homebuyers, rely on a |
12 | 17 |
| trusted advisor, who may have an adverse |
13 | 17 |
| incentive, to help them through the home buying |
14 | 17 |
| mortgage process. These new buyers, especially |
15 | 17 |
| minority first-time homebuyers, either contact |
16 | 17 |
| only one lender or are referred by a realtor to |
17 | 17 |
| only one lender. While shopping for a mortgage, |
18 | 17 |
| experienced borrowers are more likely to seek |
19 | 17 |
| additional rate quotes. |
20 | 17 |
| We welcome your questions relating to |
21 | 17 |
| any research we've conducted on topics, such as |
22 | 17 |
| predatory lending, HMDA, prepaid penalties, and |
23 | 17 |
| what consumers understand about their credit, |
24 | 17 |
| particularly renters, and we just did a recent |
1 | 18 |
| survey on that. That concludes my comments, and I |
2 | 18 |
| look forward to working with you, and I'll be |
3 | 18 |
| happy to answer your questions. |
4 | 18 |
| GOVERNOR OLSON: Doug, thank you very |
5 | 18 |
| much. The need for simpler disclosures is one |
6 | 18 |
| that we all agree, it's hard to disagree with |
7 | 18 |
| that. The problem is, I think we need to come |
8 | 18 |
| back and talk about where that responsibility is |
9 | 18 |
| and how we can work together. |
10 | 18 |
| Janice Bowdler, same rules, same drill. |
11 | 18 |
| Introduce yourself and your group, and you have |
12 | 18 |
| five minutes for your opening statement. |
13 | 18 |
| MS. BOWDLER: Good morning. My name is |
14 | 18 |
| Janice Bowdler and on behalf of the National |
15 | 18 |
| Council of La Raza I would like to thank the |
16 | 18 |
| Federal Reserve for hosting another round of HOEPA |
17 | 18 |
| hearings. I feel honored to be part of such a |
18 | 18 |
| distinguished panel. |
19 | 18 |
| As a founder of housing counseling, |
20 | 18 |
| NCLR has been working with the mortgage industry |
21 | 18 |
| for nearly ten years to increase Latino |
22 | 18 |
| homeownership. From our perspective, the question |
23 | 18 |
| of how the consumers choose their loan products is |
24 | 18 |
| not only timely, it's critical. |
1 | 19 |
| Borrowers rely on the mortgage |
2 | 19 |
| financing to build home equity that will provide a |
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| financial safety net through retirement. However, |
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| inefficiencies in the marketplace are causing |
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| adverse market segmentation. |
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| NCLR intends to submit a more in-depth |
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| written statement, but today I will briefly |
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| describe how the structure of today's mortgage |
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| market channels Latino borrowers into the subprime |
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| products; how these borrowers are then steered |
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| toward loans that are profitable for the lender, |
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| rather than suitable for the consumer; and how |
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| both lenders and consumers rely on mortgage |
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| brokers to serve as market intermediaries. |
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| Let me begin by describing how Latinos |
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| are fairing in the mortgage market. |
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| Non-traditional credit histories and a variety of |
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| underwriting variables common among Latino |
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| borrowers often require manual underwriting. For |
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| example, 22% of Latinos do not have credit scores. |
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| In a world of automated underwriting, manually |
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| underwritten loans are an unwelcome increase in |
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| time and resources. |
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| Not wanting the added burden, lenders |
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| ration the number of such loans they process and |
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| excess demand is then de facto channeled into the |
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| subprime market. |
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| Subprime lenders have the same profit |
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| motivations as prime lenders, but risk-based |
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| pricing allows greater pricing and product |
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| discretion, which, in turn, allows lenders to |
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| price a loan at any risk level. The model focuses |
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| on placing clients in products that are highly |
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| profitable for the lender rather than suitable for |
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| the borrower. |
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| The evidence here is clear. Latinos |
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| are 30 percent more likely to receive loans that |
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| meet the HOEPA rate spread than whites when |
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| purchasing their home. They are twice as likely |
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| as whites to receive payment option mortgages. |
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| NCLR's experience with the market busts |
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| the myth that such products are the only ones |
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| available for these hard to serve borrowers. 88 |
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| percent of NCLR housing counseling clients are |
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| below 80 percent of area median income, and many |
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| require manual underwriting, but all receive prime |
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| products. Instead, lenders are looking to cut |
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| costs, please investors, and increase their |
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| profits. |
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| The same motivation forces lenders to |
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| rely on mortgage brokers. Mortgage brokers |
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| function as intermediaries who help lenders reach |
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| deeper into certain markets, and they help them |
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| save costs by reducing branch and retail expenses. |
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| Consumers also rely on mortgage broker |
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| services, especially Latinos. Bilingual and |
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| bicultural brokers promote themselves as advisors |
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| Latinos can trust to find them the best deal. |
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| However, lender-offered incentives, known as yield |
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| spread premiums, entice brokers to push the cost |
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| of the loan higher. Coupled with non-traditional |
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| lending products, YSP adds another layer of |
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| subjective pricing to very risky products. As |
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| will be discussed later, there is valid concern |
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| that this is a formula for foreclose and equity |
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| loss. |
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| NCLR values the role of the |
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| intermediaries, as can be seen by our support of |
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| housing counselors. However, this means that |
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| consumers shop for mortgages based on |
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| relationships, rather than on products and |
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| pricing. Unfortunately, many consumers do not |
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| understand the broker is an independent agent. |
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| The broker is not professionally or legally |
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| required to find the borrower a suitable loan. |
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| Many are unaware of the presence of a YSP in their |
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| loan, making it virtually impossible for even a |
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| well-educated borrower to weigh its costs and |
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| benefits. |
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| What's more, recent research by the |
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| Federal Reserve concluded that low-income, |
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| lesser-educated recipients of ARMs did not fully |
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| understand the way their loan functioned or the |
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| impact of rising interest rates. |
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| Many efforts exist to increase |
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| borrower's awareness of their mortgage options and |
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| risks. Of these methods, housing counseling is |
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| the most effective. Unlike brokers, housing |
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| counselors do not have a financial interest in the |
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| terms of the borrower's loan, but, unfortunately, |
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| not every consumer has access to their advice |
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| before closing. Moreover, their hard work is lost |
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| without reinforcement of strong protections and |
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| accountability standards. |
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| To summarize, the structure of today's |
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| market is not serving Latinos well. It creates |
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| incentives for directing otherwise creditworthy |
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| families to subprime, expensive and risky |
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| products. Latino families are forced to rely on |
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| subjective pricing models because of inadequate |
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| service by the prime markets. And finally, the |
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| lack of professional and legal accountability |
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| standards for brokers and lenders leaves families |
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| vulnerable. |
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| NCLR would like to make three |
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| recommendations to improve the structure of the |
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| marketplace for Latinos and other underserved |
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| borrowers: Improve accountability standards; |
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| creates a suitability and anti-steering standard |
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| for lenders and mortgage brokers; strengthens |
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| consumer protections. Set high standards for |
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| compliance with the new interagency guidance; |
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| ensures victims have access to meaningful |
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| remedies. And finally, invest in housing |
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| counseling. Public entities and private mortgage |
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| companies must invest in housing counseling. It |
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| is a meaningful way to bridge the information gaps |
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| between underserved borrowers and their |
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| homeownership opportunities. |
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| Thank you. I would be happy to answer |
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| any questions. |
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| GOVERNOR OLSON: Thank you. |
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| Ira. |
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| MR. GOLDSTEIN: Good morning. My name |
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| is Ira Goldstein, and I am the Director of Policy |
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| and Information Services for a local organization |
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| called The Reinvestment Fund. TRF is the national |
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| leader in the financing of neighborhood |
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| revitalization, and we have been actively involved |
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| in research related to various aspects of the |
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| housing market. |
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| Our research in the areas of mortgage |
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| lending, foreclosure and predatory lending has |
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| been supported through the grants from foundations |
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| such as the Ford, William Penn and Goldseker |
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| Foundations in Baltimore, as well as contracts |
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| that we have with the City of Philadelphia, |
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| Department of Banking for the Commonwealth of |
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| Pennsylvania, Delaware Office of the State Banking |
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| Commissioner and the U.S. Attorney. I've also |
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| testified as an expert in several cases brought by |
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| the local community legal services and by the |
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| Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission, and it's |
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| that body of work and experience that I draw upon |
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| for my comments here today. |
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| First, I would say that it's my |
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| observation that over the course of time, |
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| consumers have become increasingly less able to |
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| understand the transactions that they are engaged |
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| in. I say, "increasingly less able", because, |
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| over time, the products themselves become more |
8 | 25 |
| complex, and how those products behave in relation |
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| to market changes is also difficult to understand |
10 | 25 |
| even for mortgage professionals. |
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| Not only are these products more |
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| difficult to understand, they're also more |
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| frequently subject to mortgage fraud. Reports |
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| from Fitch Ratings are clear on this point, and |
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| consumers with whom we work show a limited degree |
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| of comprehension about what they're doing in these |
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| transactions. And that's even the case after they |
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| receive counseling. |
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| The work of Alan White convincingly |
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| demonstrates that the reading comprehension levels |
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| of borrowers is all too often less than is |
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| necessary to effectively understand the |
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| transactions to which they are. The consensus is |
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