Recent Economic and Financial Developments

Monetary Policy Report submitted to the Congress on February 7, 2025, pursuant to section 2B of the Federal Reserve Act

Domestic Developments

Inflation eased a little further last year

After stepping down notably in 2023, inflation moderated a little further last year, although it remains somewhat elevated. The price index for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) rose 2.6 percent over the 12 months ending in December, down slightly from its 2.7 percent pace the previous year and well below its peak of 7.2 percent in mid-2022. Thus, inflation has moved closer to—although still somewhat above—the Federal Open Market Committee's (FOMC) longer-run objective of 2 percent (figure 1). Progress on disinflation last year was bumpy, with both total PCE prices and core PCE prices—which exclude often-volatile food and energy prices and are generally considered a better guide to the future of inflation—showing firmer monthly price increases over the first quarter of last year and more moderate price gains thereafter. For 2024 as a whole, core PCE prices rose 2.8 percent—a little less than the 3.0 percent gain over the previous year. However, some alternative measures that attempt to reduce the influence of idiosyncratic price movements showed more marked disinflation. For example, the trimmed mean measure of PCE prices constructed by the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas increased 2.8 percent over the 12 months ending in December, a noticeable step-down from its 3.3 percent increase in 2023.

Figure 1. Personal consumption expenditures price indexes
1. Personal consumption expenditures price indexes

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Note: The horizontal line indicates the Federal Open Market Committee's objective of 2 percent.

Source: For trimmed mean, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas; for all else, Bureau of Economic Analysis; all via Haver Analytics.

Consumer energy prices declined last year, while food prices increased modestly

PCE energy prices fell a modest 1.1 percent over the 12 months ending in December, as oil prices moved a little lower over 2024 (figure 2, left panel). The decline in oil prices was partially due to tepid oil demand from China and rising production in the U.S. and other non-OPEC (Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries) members; the effect of these factors more than offset upward price pressure from sustained geopolitical tension, including conflicts in the Middle East (figure 3). More recently, however, oil prices increased amid colder-than-expected weather and news of stricter sanctions on Russian oil exports. Continuing geopolitical tensions remain an upside risk to energy prices.

Figure 2. Price indexes for subcomponents of personal consumption expenditures
2. Price indexes for subcomponents of personal consumption expenditures

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Note: Percent change is from year earlier.

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

Figure 3. Spot and futures prices for crude oil
3. Spot and futures prices for crude oil

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Note: The data are monthly averages of daily data and extend through January 31, 2025.

Source: ICE Brent Futures via Bloomberg.

PCE food prices increased a modest 1.6 percent last year, a second year of low increases following the much larger increases in 2021 and 2022. Since the middle of 2024, egg prices surged in response to bird flu-related supply disruptions, while price increases across other agricultural commodities have been more modest (figure 4).

Figure 4. Spot prices for commodities
4. Spot prices for commodities

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Note: The data are monthly averages of daily data and extend through January 31, 2025.

Source: For industrial metals, S&P GSCI Industrial Metals Spot Index; for agriculture and livestock, S&P GSCI Agriculture & Livestock Spot Index; both via Haver Analytics.

Prices of both energy and food products are of particular importance for lower-income households, for whom such necessities account for a large share of expenditures. Reflecting the sharp increases seen in 2021 and 2022, these price indexes remain around 25 percent higher than before the pandemic.

Core goods prices have been declining slightly, close to pre-pandemic declines...

In assessing the outlook for inflation, it remains helpful to consider three separate components of core prices: core goods, housing services, and core nonhousing services (figure 2, right panel). Price changes for core goods appear to have nearly normalized, with core goods prices declining slightly last year at a pace that was just a little slower than the average annual decline that prevailed in the years before the pandemic. The movement toward pre-pandemic conditions for this category of inflation in part reflects the resolution of supply chain issues and other supply constraints that had boosted goods prices earlier, and supply–demand conditions in goods markets now appear to be relatively balanced. As one indication, the shares of respondents to the Quarterly Survey of Plant Capacity Utilization who cite insufficient labor or materials as reasons for operating below capacity have returned close to their pre-pandemic levels (figure 5). Core goods inflation received a small boost last year from price gains in nonfuel import prices, which rose 2.4 percent over the year (figure 6).

Figure 5. Reasons for operating below full capacity
5. Reasons for operating below full capacity

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Note: The series are the share of firms selecting each reason for operating below full capacity. The data extend through 2024:Q3.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau: Quarterly Survey of Plant Capacity Utilization.

Figure 6. Nonfuel import price index
6. Nonfuel import price index

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Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

...while housing services price inflation moved lower last year but remains elevated...

Housing services price inflation continued moderating last year, with prices rising 4.7 percent over the 12 months ending in December, down from 6.3 percent in 2023 and 7.7 percent in 2022. Despite this moderation, housing services inflation remains notably above its pre-pandemic level. Housing services inflation tends to respond with a lag to movements in rents for new leases to new tenants ("market rents"), and as these market rents have largely returned to pre-pandemic rates of increase, housing services inflation will likely continue to move lower as well (figure 7).2

Figure 7. Measures of rental price inflation
7. Measures of rental price inflation

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Note: Zillow data start in January 2016, and Apartment List data start in January 2018. CoreLogic data extend through November 2024. Apartment List, Zillow, RealPage, and CoreLogic measure market-rate rents—that is, rents for a new lease by a new tenant. PCE is personal consumption expenditures.

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis, PCE, via Haver Analytics; Apartment List, Inc., via Haver Analytics; Zillow, Inc.; RealPage, Inc.; CoreLogic, Inc.; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

...and core nonhousing services price inflation has flattened out at a somewhat elevated level

Finally, prices for core nonhousing services—a broad group that includes services such as medical, travel and dining, and financial services—increased 3.5 percent last year, a bit above their increase in 2023 and their pre-pandemic pace. However, the lack of further progress in this category masks important heterogeneity within its components. For the "market-based" category of core services, which account for roughly three-fourths of core nonhousing services, prices increased 2.9 percent last year—similar to its pre-pandemic pace and slower than its 3.5 percent increase in 2023. Market-based core services include components such as food service and lodging that are more directly influenced by supply–demand conditions, so easing in the labor market has likely contributed to the ongoing deceleration in this category of prices. In contrast, price inflation for the "non-market-based" category, where prices are imputed and which includes some volatile categories such as portfolio management that tend to be heavily influenced by idiosyncratic factors, jumped last year.3

Measures of longer-term inflation expectations have been stable, while shorter-term expectations generally moved down a bit last year

A generally held view among economists is that inflation expectations influence actual inflation by affecting wage- and price-setting decisions. Measures of inflation expectations over a longer horizon from surveys of households (such as the University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers) and professional forecasters have remained broadly consistent with the FOMC's longer-run 2 percent inflation objective (figure 8). Over the past year, these measures have been little changed and within the range seen in the decade before the pandemic. For example, the median forecaster in the Survey of Professional Forecasters, conducted by the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, continued to expect inflation to average 2 percent over the five years beginning five years from now.

Figure 8. Measures of inflation expectations
8. Measures of inflation expectations

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Note: The data for the Michigan survey are monthly and extend through January 2025. The data for the Survey of Professional Forecasters (SPF) are quarterly.

Source: University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers; Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, SPF.

Similarly, market-based measures of longer-term inflation compensation, which are based on financial instruments linked to inflation such as Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities, are also broadly in line with readings seen in the years before the pandemic and consistent with PCE inflation returning to 2 percent (figure 9).

Figure 9. Inflation compensation implied by Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities
9. Inflation compensation implied by Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities

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Note: The data are at a business-day frequency and are estimated from smoothed nominal and inflation-indexed Treasury yield curves.

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of New York; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

Survey-based inflation expectations over a shorter horizon—which tend to follow observed inflation more closely—rose along with inflation in 2020 and 2021 but then moved back down through the end of 2024. More recently, the median value for expected inflation over the next year from the University of Michigan survey moved up some in December and January. Even so, both this measure and a similar measure from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York's Survey of Consumer Expectations are in line with pre-pandemic levels.

The labor market remains solid...

The labor market remains in solid shape. At the end of the year, the unemployment rate was low relative to historical experience, the labor force participation rate (LFPR) among workers aged 25 to 54 remained above its high from the years just before the pandemic, and job vacancies were at a strong level. For the year, employment rose moderately, layoffs remained low, and wage gains were solid.

...with labor market conditions appearing to stabilize over the second half of last year after a period of easing

After gradually increasing over much of 2023, the unemployment rate rose somewhat further in the first half of last year, from 3.8 percent in December 2023 to 4.1 percent in June 2024. However, it was mostly unchanged thereafter, ending the year at 4.1 percent—still low by historical standards (figure 10). Among most age, educational attainment, sex, and racial and ethnic groups, unemployment rates moved up, on net, last year, but to still relatively low levels (figure 11). (The box "Employment and Earnings across Demographic Groups" provides further details.)

Figure 10. Civilian unemployment rate
10. Civilian unemployment rate

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Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics.

Figure 11. Unemployment rate, by race and ethnicity
11. Unemployment rate, by race and ethnicity

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Note: All data displayed are 3-month moving averages. Unemployment rate measures total unemployed as a percentage of the labor force. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race. Small sample sizes preclude reliable estimates for Native Americans and other groups for which monthly data are not reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics.

Similar to the unemployment rate, measures of job vacancies—which had been gradually moving lower since mid-2022—also appear to have stabilized over the second half of last year. For example, job openings as measured in the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS), as well as an alternative measure using job postings data from the large online job board Indeed, edged down, on net, over the first half of last year and flattened out more recently. In December, both measures were a bit above their 2019 average levels.4

Job gains eased some last year, slowing from a strong average monthly pace of 267,000 in the first quarter to a more moderate 159,000 average pace over the rest of the year (figure 12).5 Job growth remained relatively strong in health care and state and local governments (where employment levels have been normalizing toward pre-pandemic trends after earlier staffing shortages), but employment declined in manufacturing.

Figure 12. Nonfarm payroll employment
12. Nonfarm payroll employment

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Note: The data shown are a 3-month moving average of the change in nonfarm payroll employment.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics.

Much of the additional easing in labor demand last year manifested as a slowdown in hiring rather than an increase in layoffs. Indeed, many hiring indicators, such as the hiring rate from the JOLTS and the rate at which unemployed individuals became employed each month from the Current Population Survey, moved lower last year. In contrast, layoffs indicators, such as initial claims for unemployment insurance and the layoffs rate from JOLTS, were mostly little changed and have remained low (figure 13).

Figure 13. Indicators of layoffs
13. Indicators of layoffs

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Note: The data for initial claims are reported as a 4-week moving average and extend through January 18, 2025. The data for the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS) layoff rate are monthly. Series are truncated at the top of the figure in 2020 and 2021.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics; U.S. Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration.

Box 1. Employment and Earnings across Demographic Groups

Economic expansions have tended to narrow long-standing disparities in employment and earnings across demographic groups, which can help make up for disproportionate losses experienced during downturns. These benefits have been evident during the expansion in recent years as an exceptionally tight labor market has allowed gaps between groups to narrow significantly. Over the past year, even as labor market conditions have eased, employment disparities continue to be near their recent lows, while wage growth has remained solid across many groups despite slowing a bit from post-pandemic highs. However, despite the progress in recent years, significant disparities in absolute levels across groups remain.

Among prime-age people (aged 25 to 54), employment for Black or African American workers remains relatively high. The employment-to-population (EPOP) ratio for this group increased from mid-2020 until 2023 and has been mostly flat, on net, near its historical peak since then (figure A, left panel). This movement, combined with relatively smaller increases in the EPOP ratio for white workers over the same period, led the gap between the EPOP ratios for Blacks and whites to fall to its lowest point in 50 years. Over the past year, as the labor market has eased, this gap appears to have widened slightly but remains near its historical low.1 Employment for Hispanic or Latino workers has also remained quite strong, with an EPOP ratio close to its historical high. As a result, the gap between the EPOP ratios between this group and white workers is also near its narrowest point. The EPOP ratio for prime-age Asian workers remains high as well, sitting slightly below its historical peak.2

Figure A. Prime-age employment-to-population ratios compared with the 2019 average ratio, by group
A. Prime-age employment-to-population ratios compared with the 2019 average ratio, by group

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Note: The data are 3-month moving averages. Prime age is 25 to 54. All series are seasonally adjusted by Federal Reserve Board staff.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics; U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

Similarly, the EPOP ratio for prime-age women of all levels of education grew strongly in the post-pandemic recovery, surpassing its pre-pandemic level, and peaked last year. The increase in the EPOP ratio among this group most likely reflects both the continuation of the pre-pandemic trend of rising female labor force participation—some of which is likely attributable to increased educational attainment—and the continuing availability of remote work.3 In contrast, the EPOP ratio for prime-age men has remained mostly flat near 2019 levels over the past several years, and, as a result, the male–female EPOP ratio gap narrowed significantly to a record low. That said, the EPOP ratios for women by education level diverged a bit in the latter half of 2024 (figure A, right panel). While the EPOP ratio for college-educated women remained well above 2019 levels through the second half of last year, that for non-college-educated women moved closer to 2019 levels, reflecting both a small decline in labor force participation and a small increase in unemployment.

Like the experiences of women and minority workers, employment for prime-age people living outside of large metropolitan areas also especially benefited from the economic expansion of recent years. While the EPOP ratios for workers in all areas increased over this period, those for rural areas ("nonmetros") and smaller cities have been particularly strong (figure B, top panel).4 As a result, and given that EPOP ratios are relatively low in rural areas, the gap between EPOP ratios for workers in larger cities and those for workers in rural areas has declined over the past several years and now sits 1 percentage point below its 2019 average. The EPOP ratio gap between smaller and larger cities also dropped below its pre-pandemic level during this period; however, as the labor market has rebalanced over the past year, this gap appears to have widened back to its 2019 level. Interestingly, the employment gains for workers in rural areas and smaller cities differed significantly by education level. In rural areas, employment for non-college-educated workers increased by more than for similarly educated workers in cities (figure B, bottom-left panel). In contrast, employment for college-educated workers increased relatively more in smaller cities than in either of the other areas (figure B, bottom-right panel).

Figure B. Prime-age employment-to-population ratios compared with the 2019 average ratio, by metropolitan status and education
B. Prime-age employment-to-population ratios compared with the 2019 average ratio, by metropolitan status and education

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Note: The data are 3-month moving averages. Prime age is 25 to 54. Larger metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) consist of 500,000 people or more, and smaller MSAs consist of 100,000 to 500,000 people. All series are seasonally adjusted by Federal Reserve Board staff.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics; U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

While employment disparities across many demographic groups are within range of historical lows reached during the post-pandemic recovery period, substantial gender, racial, ethnic, and geographic gaps remain, underscoring long-standing structural factors. Currently, prime-age women are employed at a rate 11 percentage points less than men, while prime-age Black and Hispanic workers are employed at a rate 3 to 4 percentage points less than white workers. Further, workers in rural areas are employed at a rate 1 to 3 percentage points below workers in cities.

Similar to employment, a solid but cooling labor market has supported nominal wage growth over the past year—albeit at a slower pace than that during the exceptionally tight labor market in the previous two years. Even so, with headline inflation declining, these wage gains imply continued solid increases in real wages across many groups. In recent years, real wage growth was particularly robust for lower-wage workers and for many historically disadvantaged groups; however, by the end of 2024, wage growth for these groups had moderated. As shown in the top-left panel of figure C, real wage growth—as measured by the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta's Wage Growth Tracker and deflated by the personal consumption expenditures price index—was relatively strong for workers in the bottom half of the income distribution during the post-pandemic recovery through the first half of 2024; however, by the end of the year, wage growth had edged down for this group, and growth had become similar across all quartiles.5

Figure C. Median real wage growth, by group
C. Median real wage growth, by group

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Note: Series show 12-month moving averages of the median percent change in the hourly wage of individuals observed 12 months apart, deflated by the 12-month moving average of the 12-month percent change in the personal consumption expenditures price index. In the top-left panel, workers are assigned to wage quartiles based on the average of their wage reports in both Current Population Survey outgoing rotation group interviews; workers in the lowest 25 percent of the average wage distribution are assigned to the 1st quartile, and those in the top 25 percent are assigned to the 4th quartile.

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, Wage Growth Tracker; Bureau of Labor Statistics; U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey.

This pattern in wage growth across the income distribution is reflected in the experiences of different demographic groups. Wage growth for nonwhite workers had been a bit stronger than that for white workers since 2022 but, by mid-2024, had fallen to a similar rate of growth (figure C, top-right panel). Similarly, wage growth for workers with a high school diploma or less was strong relative to other groups in the post-pandemic tight labor market; however, as labor market conditions softened in 2024, wage growth for this group tapered and fell below that for college-educated workers (figure C, bottom-left panel). In contrast, wages for men and women largely grew in tandem until the middle of last year, but real wage growth for women outpaced a bit that for men by the end of 2024 (figure C, bottom-right panel).

1. In figures A and B, EPOP ratios are shown indexed to their 2019 average; therefore, gaps between groups are not readily evident. Return to text

2. As monthly series have greater sampling variability for smaller groups, we do not plot EPOP ratio estimates for American Indians or Alaska Natives. Return to text

3. For a discussion of the contribution of educational attainment to prime-age female labor force participation before the pandemic, see DidemTüzemenand Thao Tran (2019), "The Uneven Recovery in Prime-Age Labor Force Participation," Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Economic Review, vol. 104 (Third Quarter), pp. 21–41, https://www.kansascityfed.org/Economic%20Review/documents/652/2019-The%20Uneven%20Recovery%20in%20Prime-Age%20Labor%20Force%20Participation.pdf. For a discussion on access to remote work and participation rates, see Maria D. Tito (2024), "Does the Ability to Work Remotely Alter Labor Force Attachment? An Analysis of Female Labor Force Participation," FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, January 19), https://doi.org/10.17016/2380-7172.3433. Return to text

4. Calculations of the series shown are as described in Alison Weingarden (2017), "Labor Market Outcomes in Metropolitan and Non-metropolitan Areas: Signs of Growing Disparities," FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, September 25), https://doi.org/10.17016/2380-7172.2063. Larger metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) are defined as metropolitan areas with a population greater than 500,000 or more, while smaller MSAs are those with a population between 100,000 and 500,000.Non-MSAs consist of counties without strong commuting ties to an urbanized center. Return to text

5. To reduce noise due to sampling variation, which can be pronounced when considering disaggregated groups' wage changes, the series shown in figure C are the 12-month moving averages of the groups' median 12-month real wage change. Thus, by construction, these series lag the actual real wage changes. Return to text

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Increases in labor supply appear to have slowed

At the same time, the supply of labor—determined by both the LFPR (the share of the population either working or seeking work) and population growth—appears to have increased more slowly over the second half of last year, after substantial increases over the past several years.

After having rebounded notably from its pandemic lows, the LFPR has been little changed since mid-2023 and was 62.5 percent in December (figure 14). Although population aging has continued to put downward pressure on the LFPR, this influence has been offset by increasing participation among some age groups. In particular, the LFPR among those aged 25 to 54 has increased substantially over the past few years (especially among women) and, despite declining a bit, on net, over the second half of last year, has remained at a high level.

Figure 14. Labor force participation rate
14. Labor force participation rate

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Note: Values before January 2024 are estimated by Federal Reserve Board staff to eliminate discontinuities in the published history.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics.

Regarding population growth, the Census Bureau now estimates that immigration increased strongly from 2022 through June 2024, contributing to strong annual population growth over this period.6 While official Census Bureau immigration estimates are unavailable after June, more recent indicators point to a sharp slowdown in immigration and population growth since the middle of last year.7

The labor market no longer appears especially tight

As labor demand has slowed further, labor demand and supply have continued to move into closer alignment. By many measures, the labor market appears somewhat less tight than just before the pandemic; for example, the gap between the number of total available jobs (measured by employed workers plus job openings) and the number of available workers (measured by the size of the labor force) averaged 0.8 million in the fourth quarter of last year—well below its 2022 peak of 6.0 million and somewhat below its 2019 average (figure 15). Additionally, the share of respondents to the Conference Board Consumer Confidence Survey who say that jobs are plentiful, and the monthly percentage of the workforce that has quit their job as measured in JOLTS (an indicator of the availability of attractive job prospects), are also somewhat below 2019 levels (but above their ranges that prevailed over much of the previous expansion). Similarly, the unemployment rate in December was about 1/2 percentage point higher than its 2019 average (but still low relative to its range over the past 50 years).

Figure 15. Available jobs versus available workers
15. Available jobs versus available workers

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Note: Available jobs are employment plus job openings as of the end of the previous month. Available workers are the labor force. Data for employment and labor force before January 2024 are estimated by Federal Reserve Board staff to eliminate discontinuities in the published history.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

Labor productivity increased solidly in 2024

Labor productivity in the business sector increased 1.97 percent in 2024 (figure 16). Productivity growth has swung wildly since the onset of the pandemic, but looking through this volatility, average labor productivity since the fourth quarter of 2019 is estimated to have increased 1.8 percent, 0.3 percentage point faster than the average pace that prevailed over the previous expansion.8 (For some potential explanations for this faster productivity growth, see the box "Labor Productivity since the Start of the Pandemic.")

Figure 16. U.S. labor productivity
16. U.S. labor productivity

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Note: The data are output per hour in the business sector.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics.

Box 2. Labor Productivity since the Start of the Pandemic

While labor productivity in the business sector has been volatile since the start of the pandemic, smoothing through these swings, productivity has increased at an average annual rate of 1.8 percent from 2019:Q4 to 2024:Q4—stronger than its 1.5 percent annual average pace over the previous business cycle, 2007:Q4 to 2019:Q4 (figure A). This relatively strong growth rate has put the level of productivity more than 1-1/2 percent above where it would have been had it increased at its pre-pandemic pace. Should stronger productivity growth be maintained, it would have important economic consequences, because stronger productivity growth can support stronger growth in gross domestic product and real wages without additional inflationary pressure.

Figure A. Business-sector productivity
A. Business-sector productivity

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Note: The data are output per hour in the business sector. The blue line plots output per hour, assuming a constant growth rate equal to its average from 2007:Q4 to 2019:Q4. The shaded bars with top caps indicate periods of business recession as defined by the National Bureau of Economic Research: December 2007 to June 2009 and February 2020 to April 2020.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

Why has productivity growth been stronger than its pre-pandemic pace? One key contributing factor has likely been new business formation, which surged early in the pandemic and remains strong (figure B). This strength has likely supported productivity growth because newer firms are more likely to adopt new technologies or production processes, use existing processes more efficiently, or create new products themselves.1 Moreover, the surge in business formation has been disproportionately concentrated in high-tech industries, which historically have been important drivers of productivity gains.2 As some of the more productive businesses started over the past few years grow further, they may continue to support strong productivity growth, even if the rate of business formation slows. That said, much is still unknown about the nature and growth prospects of these pandemic-era new businesses, so there is considerable uncertainty around how much these businesses have contributed to recent productivity growth and how consequential they will be to productivity going forward.

Figure B. Establishment births and new business applications
B. Establishment births and new business applications

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Note: Quarterly new business applications are the sum of high-propensity applications over the month. The Business Employment Dynamics (BED) data extend through 2024:Q2. The shaded bar with a top cap indicates a period of business recession as defined by the National Bureau of Economic Research: February 2020 to April 2020.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, BED via Haver Analytics; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations and U.S. Census Bureau, Business Formation Statistics.

Other contributing factors may have provided a more short-lived boost to productivity growth. For example, some firms facing severe labor shortages early in the pandemic likely expanded their use of labor-saving technologies and more efficiently restructured aspects of production, which enhanced their workers' productivity and reduced some firms' need for pre-pandemic levels of labor. However, as labor supply has gradually returned, firms' need for further expansion of labor-saving technologies may have diminished.

Another temporary factor has likely been worker reallocation across jobs (figure C). Measures of worker reallocation, such as the rate of transitions between jobs (black line) and quits (blue line), jumped early in the pandemic and may have resulted in more productive matches between some workers and jobs.3 However, these measures have returned to pre-pandemic levels (or lower), so worker reallocation is unlikely to still be providing much support to productivity growth.

Figure C. Measures of worker reallocation
C. Measures of worker reallocation

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Note: The data are seasonally adjusted quarterly averages. The black line applies only to persons aged 16 or older. JOLTS is the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey.

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, Fujita, Moscarini, and Postel-Vinay Employer-to-Employer Transition Probability; Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics.

Finally, integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into production processes may already be contributing to productivity gains. However, any effects on measured productivity so far have probably been small, since it will likely take many firms some time to figure out how to effectively integrate AI into the workplace.4 As AI becomes more widely adopted and more efficiently used, it may contribute more substantially to productivity, although there are conflicting views about any potential economic implications.5

It seems possible that all of the aforementioned factors have contributed, at least to some degree, to the strength in productivity since the start of the pandemic, although it is difficult to separate out their relative contributions. Going forward, whether productivity growth can remain above its pre-pandemic pace depends in part on how persistent the influence of some of these factors proves to be and whether these or other factors become even more consequential (for example, how much further AI technologies develop and how widespread their usage becomes).

1. Although the latest data on new establishment formation is available only through 2024:Q2, new business applications—many of which lead to new businesses forming—remained high through 2024:Q4, suggesting that new businesses continued to be created at a strong pace throughout the second half of last year. For evidence that newer businesses have historically been an important driver of productivity gains, see Titan Alon, David Berger, Robert Dent, and Benjamin Pugsley (2018), "Older and Slower: The Startup Deficit's Lasting Effects on Aggregate Productivity Growth," Journal of Monetary Economics, vol. 93 (January), pp. 68–85. For some evidence that the surge in business formation from the past few years has featured genuine new entrepreneurial activity (rather than only reflecting, for example, a surge in gig work or in new establishments among incumbent firms), see Ryan A. Decker and John Haltiwanger (2023), "Surging Business Formation in the Pandemic: Causes and Consequences?" Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Fall, pp. 249–302, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Decker-Haltiwanger_16820-BPEA-FA23_WEB.pdf; and Ryan A. Decker and John Haltiwanger (2024), "Surging Business Formation in the Pandemic: A Brief Update," working paper, September. Return to text

2. See Ryan Decker and John Haltiwanger (2024), "High Tech Business Entry in the Pandemic Era," FEDS Notes (Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, April 19), https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/high-tech-business-entry-in-the-pandemic-era-20240419.html. Return to text

3. For evidence that job-to-job movements have historically been an important contributor to productivity gains, see John Haltiwanger, Henry Hyatt, Erika McEntarfer, and Matthew Staiger (2025), "Cyclical Worker Flows: Cleansing vs. Sullying," Review of Economic Dynamics, vol. 55 (January), 101252. For evidence suggesting that the recent period of elevated worker reallocation may have been productivity enhancing because it in part reflected transitions from lower-wage (lower-productivity) jobs to higher-wage (higher-productivity) jobs, see David Autor, Arindrajit Dube, and Annie McGrew (2023), "The Unexpected Compression: Competition at Work in the Low Wage Labor Market," NBER Working Paper Series 31010 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, March; revised May 2024), https://www.nber.org/papers/w31010. Return to text

4. Evidence is mixed on how prevalent AI use is in the workplace currently. For example, the Census Bureau's Business Trends and Outlook Survey reports that, as of January, only around 6 percent of firms reported using AI in production, and around 10 percent planned to do so in the next six months. That said, some other surveys indicate higher usage among firms. For example, 25 percent of service firms and 16 percent of manufacturing firms that responded to an August 2024 survey by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York reported using AI in production; see Jaison R. Abel, Richard Deitz, Natalia Emanuel, and Benjamin Hyman (2024), "AI and the Labor Market: Will Firms Hire, Fire, or Retrain?" Liberty Street Economics (blog), September 4, https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2024/09/ai-and-the-labor-market-will-firms-hire-fire-or-retrain). Some worker-based surveys also point to a substantial share of workers using AI-enabled tools in their workflow—for example, one recent survey found that one-fourth of workers used generative AI in their work over the previous week; see Alexander Bick, Adam Blandin, and David J. Deming, "The Rapid Adoption of Generative AI," NBER Working Paper Series 32966 (Cambridge, Mass.: National Bureau of Economic Research, September), https://www.nber.org/papers/w32966; and Conference Board (2023), "Majority of U.S. Workers Are Already Using Generative AI Tools--But Company Policies Trail Behind," press release, September 13, https://www.conference-board.org/press/us-workers-and-generative-ai. Return to text

5. For an estimate that AI could result in significant productivity gains, see Martin Neil Baily, Erik Brynjolfsson, and Anton Korinek (2023), "Machines of Mind: The Case for an AI-Powered Productivity Boom" (Washington: Brookings Institution, May 10), https://www.brookings.edu/articles/machines-of-mind-the-case-for-an-ai-powered-productivity-boom/. For an estimate that the productivity effects of AI could be more modest, see Daron Acemoglu (2024), "The Simple Macroeconomics of AI," Economic Policy, eiae042 (August). Return to text

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Wage growth has slowed but remains solid

As labor market tightness eased somewhat further last year, nominal wage growth has also continued to slow, although to a still-solid pace (figure 17). Total hourly compensation, as measured by the employment cost index (ECI), increased 3.6 percent over the 12 months ending in December and has gradually slowed from its peak increase of 5.5 percent in mid-2022. Other measures also slowed some last year, with the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta's Wage Growth Tracker (which reports the median 12-month wage growth of individuals responding to the Current Population Survey) slowing in line with the ECI and growth in average hourly earnings (a less comprehensive measure) slowing in the first half but flattening out over the second half.

Figure 17. Measures of change in hourly compensation
17. Measures of change in hourly compensation

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Note: For the private-sector employment cost index, change is over the 12 months ending in the last month of each quarter; for private-sector average hourly earnings, the data are 12-month percent changes; for the Atlanta Fed's Wage Growth Tracker, the data are shown as a 3-month moving average of the 12-month percent change.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics; Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, Wage Growth Tracker; all via Haver Analytics.

Despite this slowing, wage growth remains somewhat above its 2019 pace. This contrasts with the normalization in other labor market tightness indicators cited earlier and might reflect persistence in the adjustment process of wages to earlier shocks as well as support from strong productivity growth. Nominal wage growth may still remain somewhat too high to be consistent with 2 percent inflation over time, although this depends in part on how persistent the recent strength in productivity proves to be.

With PCE prices having risen 2.6 percent last year, these wage measures suggest that most workers saw increases in the purchasing power of their wages in 2024. That said, the extent of these increases depends in part on workers' individual circumstances—because nominal wage changes vary significantly across industry and occupation and because households consume different baskets of goods than the one represented in the aggregate PCE price index. (For details on how real wage gains have differed across demographic groups, see the box "Employment and Earnings across Demographic Groups.")

Gross domestic product rose solidly last year

Real gross domestic product (GDP) is reported to have increased at a solid annual rate of 2.7 percent over the second half of last year, a little stronger than its pace over the first half (figure 18). GDP growth last year was importantly supported by strength in consumer spending. Meanwhile, business investment grew moderately, while activity in the housing market was lackluster. For the year, GDP increased 2.5 percent—somewhat slower than its 3.2 percent pace from 2023, primarily because of moderation in both state and local government spending and nonresidential structures investment (which surged in 2023 from booming construction of manufacturing facilities), and more of a drag from net exports (as imports grew faster than exports).

Figure 18. Change in real gross domestic product and gross domestic income
18. Change in real gross domestic product and gross domestic income

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Note: The key identifies bars in order from left to right. The data for gross domestic income extend through 2024:H1.

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

In contrast to GDP, manufacturing output was little changed last year. In part, weakness in manufacturing production reflects tight financing conditions, as manufacturing output was weaker, on average, in sectors that tend to be more responsive to interest rates. Moreover, recent growth in domestic goods spending has largely been accommodated by increased imports. Special factors also held down production in some key industries like aircraft, where a labor dispute held down output. In all, manufacturing output has been fairly flat in recent years and remains below its recent peak from 2018.

Consumer spending has been resilient despite some headwinds

Despite headwinds from high interest rates, consumer spending adjusted for inflation grew a strong 3.2 percent last year, a little above its pace in 2023 (figure 19). Consumer spending has been supported by a still-solid labor market, high levels of household wealth relative to income, and rising real wages—indeed, real disposable personal income increased at an average pace of 3.6 percent over the past two years. However, consumers continued to spend more of their income than was typical before the pandemic, and the saving rate—the difference between current income and spending, as a share of income—has remained somewhat below its pre-pandemic level for much of the past two years (figure 20). Consumers maintained this pace of spending in part by drawing down their stock of liquid assets (such as checking and savings accounts) that had accumulated to elevated levels during and after the pandemic and by relying more on credit. Even so, households' stock of liquid assets appears to have stabilized at a solid level somewhat above its pre-pandemic trend, suggesting that households, in the aggregate, may have a larger-than-usual buffer to weather economic shocks.

Figure 19. Change in real personal consumption expenditures
19. Change in real personal consumption expenditures

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Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

Figure 20: Personal saving rate
20. Personal saving rate

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Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

Consumer spending has been more robust than measures of consumer sentiment would suggest (figure 21). Although sentiment in the University of Michigan survey has improved notably since 2022, it remains well below its pre-pandemic level. A similar measure from the Conference Board also remains somewhat low—though stronger than the University of Michigan survey measure, as it puts more weight on labor market conditions.

Figure 21. Indexes of consumer sentiment
21. Indexes of consumer sentiment

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Note: The data extend through January 2025.

Source: University of Michigan Surveys of Consumers; Conference Board.

Consumer financing conditions remain somewhat restrictive

Despite a tick down in interest rates over the second half of the year in many categories of consumer loans, consumer financing conditions have remained restrictive, reflecting still-high borrowing costs and tight bank lending standards. According to the October 2024 and January 2025 Senior Loan Officer Opinion Surveys on Bank Lending Practices (SLOOS), conducted by the Federal Reserve Board, over the second half of last year banks reported tightening lending standards further for credit cards but loosening them somewhat for auto loans, albeit from tight levels.9 For credit cards, the relatively tight consumer lending standards likely reflect, in part, delinquency rates that have remained somewhat elevated relative to the pre-pandemic period.

Even so, financing has generally remained available to support spending for most households, other than those with low credit scores, and consumer credit expanded moderately through the third quarter of last year (figure 22).

Figure 22. Consumer credit flows
22. Consumer credit flows

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Note: Credit card balances were little changed in 2011 and 2012.

Source: Federal Reserve Board, Statistical Release G.19, "Consumer Credit."

Residential investment increased modestly last year

After steep declines in 2022, residential investment turned around in the middle of 2023 and increased modestly, on net, last year, supported by solid income growth and mortgage rates—which moved down a bit through the fall of last year, although to levels still far above pre-pandemic mortgage rates (figure 23). More recently, however, mortgage rates have moved back up again.

Figure 23. Mortgage interest rates
23. Mortgage interest rates

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Note: The data are contract rates on 30-year, fixed-rate conventional home mortgage commitments and extend through January 30, 2025.

Source: Freddie Mac Primary Mortgage Market Survey via Haver Analytics.

The markets for new and existing homes have evolved differently over the past few years (figure 24). Existing home sales remain depressed, as many homeowners who purchased or refinanced homes when fixed mortgage rates were lower appear unwilling to move and take out a new mortgage with a much higher rate. Indeed, the majority of outstanding mortgages still have interest rates below 4 percent, well below the prevailing 30-year fixed interest rate of 7.0 percent at the end of January (figure 25).

Figure 24. New and existing home sales
24. New and existing home sales

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Note: New and existing home sales include only single-family sales.

Source: For new home sales, U.S. Census Bureau; for existing home sales, National Association of Realtors; all via Haver Analytics.

Figure 25. Distribution of interest rates on outstanding mortgages
25. Distribution of interest rates on outstanding mortgages

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Note: The sample only includes outstanding mortgages current on their payments.

Source: ICE, McDash®.

In contrast, sales of new homes bounced back to pre-pandemic levels in early 2023 and remained around these levels throughout last year. The new home market has likely been supported by demand from buyers who are unable to find homes in the existing home market. The rebound in demand for new homes encouraged builders to increase housing construction, and starts for single-family housing generally maintained solid levels last year (figure 26). Reflecting some additional rebalancing in the housing market, in part from supply improvements, house prices increased moderately last year, well below the pace seen in 2021 and 2022 (figure 27).

Figure 26. Private housing starts
26. Private housing starts

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Source: U.S. Census Bureau via Haver Analytics.

Figure 27. Growth rate in house prices
27. Growth rate in house prices

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Note: S&P/Case-Shiller and CoreLogic data extend through November 2024.

Source: CoreLogic, Inc., Home Price Index; Zillow, Inc., Real Estate Data; S&P/Case-Shiller U.S. National Home Price Index. The S&P/Case-Shiller index is a product of S&P Dow Jones Indices LLC and/or its affiliates. (For Dow Jones Indices licensing information, see the Data Notes page.)

Meanwhile, starts of multifamily units—which are predominantly rental units—continued to trend lower last year because of weaker rent growth, increasing vacancies, and as a large backlog of new units have entered the market following a wave of multifamily construction from 2021 through mid-2023.

Capital spending grew moderately last year

After increasing solidly in 2023, business investment spending rose moderately last year despite high interest rates, supported by strong sales growth and improving business sentiment (figure 28). The sources of strength in business investment have shifted over the past year. Investment in structures, which surged in 2023 largely from a boom in manufacturing construction (especially for factories that produce semiconductors or electric vehicle batteries), has flattened out, albeit at a high level. Meanwhile, growth in business investment in equipment and intellectual property (which includes software and research and development) has picked up a bit, in part as businesses have been outfitting new manufacturing structures and data centers with high-tech equipment, as well as from continued investment related to artificial intelligence technologies.

Figure 28. Change in real business fixed investment
28. Change in real business fixed investment

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Note: Business fixed investment is known as "private nonresidential fixed investment" in the national income and product accounts. The key identifies bars in order from left to right.

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

Business financing conditions remained somewhat restrictive, but credit remains generally available

While businesses have still faced somewhat restrictive financing conditions as interest rates have stayed elevated, credit has remained generally available to most nonfinancial corporations. Over the second half of last year, banks reported leaving lending standards for business loans basically unchanged, after tightening them since the middle of 2022. Issuance of corporate bonds remained solid across credit categories, although below the levels that prevailed at the start of the tightening cycle.

For small businesses, which are more reliant on bank financing than large businesses are, credit conditions were little changed over the second half of last year. Surveys indicate that credit supply for small businesses remained relatively tight, while interest rates on loans to small businesses decreased some late in the year but remained near the top of the range observed since 2008. Loan default rates and delinquency rates, which had risen since mid-2022, moved down somewhat starting in the fall but still stand above their pre-pandemic rates. Finally, loan originations trended down slowly since the summer but are in the range observed before the pandemic, suggesting that credit continues to be available for small businesses with sound financial positions.

Exports and imports grew moderately in the second half of 2024

After lackluster growth in the first half of last year, real exports of goods and services picked up in the second half, led by exports of capital goods (figure 29). Meanwhile, real imports were robust throughout much of the year, supported by imports of high-tech capital goods. Combined, net exports subtracted 0.2 percentage point from U.S. GDP growth in the second half and subtracted 0.5 percentage point from overall 2024 GDP growth. The current account deficit as a share of GDP widened somewhat in the third quarter to roughly twice as wide as it was before the pandemic.

Figure 29. Change in real imports and exports of goods and services
29. Change in real imports and exports of goods and services

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Note: The key identifies bars in order from left to right.

Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

Federal fiscal policy actions provided a modest boost to GDP growth last year

Last year, federal purchases grew moderately, and some policies enacted after the pandemic continued to boost private investment and consumption. This support to economic activity was offset somewhat by the fading effects of earlier pandemic-related fiscal policy support. All told, the contribution of discretionary changes in federal fiscal policy was a modest boost to real GDP growth in 2024.

The budget deficit and federal debt remain elevated

After surging to about 15 percent of GDP in fiscal year 2020, the federal budget deficit—the difference between federal expenditures and receipts—declined through fiscal 2022 as the imprint of the pandemic faded, but it has been fairly flat since then (figure 30). In fiscal 2024, the budget deficit was 6.4 percent of GDP—notably larger than in the years before the pandemic—as noninterest outlays continued to outpace receipts and as the cost of debt service increased as a result of higher interest rates and a higher level of debt.

Figure 30. Federal receipts and expenditures
30. Federal receipts and expenditures

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Note: The receipts and expenditures data are on a unified-budget basis and are for fiscal years (October through September); gross domestic product (GDP) data are on a 4-quarter basis ending in Q3.

Source: Department of the Treasury, Financial Management Service; Office of Management and Budget and Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

As a result of the fiscal support enacted early in the pandemic, federal debt held by the public jumped during the pandemic, reaching nearly 100 percent of GDP in early 2021—the highest debt-to-GDP ratio since 1946—and has only edged lower since then (figure 31). The debt-to-GDP ratio has been about flat since then, as the large primary deficits have occurred along with strong nominal GDP growth, but the Congressional Budget Office projects that debt-to-GDP will resume rising in the coming years as deficits remain elevated.

Figure 31. Federal government debt and net interest outlays
31. Federal government debt and net interest outlays

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Note: The data for net interest outlays are annual, begin in 1948, and extend through 2024. Net interest outlays are the cost of servicing the debt held by the public, offset by certain types of interest income the government receives. Federal debt held by the public equals federal debt excluding most intragovernmental debt, evaluated at the end of the quarter. The data for federal debt are annual from 1900 to 1951 and a 4-quarter moving average thereafter and extend through 2024:Q3. GDP is gross domestic product.

Source: For GDP, Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics; for federal debt, Congressional Budget Office and Federal Reserve Board, Statistical Release Z.1, "Financial Accounts of the United States."

The fiscal position of most state and local governments remains in good shape, as tax revenue growth has normalized...

Federal policymakers provided a historically high level of fiscal support to state and local governments during the pandemic, which—together with robust state tax collections in 2021 and 2022—left the sector in a strong budget position overall (figure 32). After falling somewhat in 2023, state tax revenues grew modestly in 2024, and taxes as a percentage of GDP remain somewhat above historical norms. According to the National Association of State Budget Officers, states' total balances—that is, including rainy day fund balances and previous-year surplus funds—declined in 2024 from their all-time high in 2023 but remained well above pre-pandemic levels. At the local level, overall property tax receipts rose at a solid pace in 2024, and the typically long lags between changes in the market value of real estate and changes in taxable assessments suggest that—given past house price appreciation—property tax revenues will continue to rise going forward.

Figure 32. State and local tax receipts
32. State and local tax receipts

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Note: Receipts shown are year-over-year percent changes of 4-quarter moving averages, begin in 2012:Q4, and extend through 2024:Q3. Property taxes are primarily collected by local governments.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Quarterly Summary of State and Local Government Tax Revenue.

...contributing to above-average growth in employment and construction spending last year

Against the backdrop of continued strong budget positions, state and local government employment has moved up sharply over the past two years, after hiring and retention difficulties earlier in the pandemic faded, in part because wages have become more competitive with those in other sectors (figure 33). As employment has approached its pre-pandemic trend, growth slowed somewhat last year, although to a still-strong pace. Similarly, real construction outlays—which grew at a historically high pace in 2023 owing to support from federal grants and easing bottlenecks—increased last year at a more moderate (though still-strong) pace as support from these factors faded.

Figure 33. State and local government payroll employment
33. State and local government payroll employment

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Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics via Haver Analytics.

Financial Developments

The expected level of the federal funds rate over the next year shifted up notably...

Market-based measures of the expected path of the federal funds rate declined over the summer and early fall as the Federal Reserve eased monetary policy beginning at its September meeting. Subsequently, these measures moved up in the fourth quarter as market participants scaled back their expectations of the extent of further easing. On net, the market-implied path for the federal funds rate in 2025 is little changed since last July, and the path for 2026 is notably higher (figure 34). Financial market prices now imply that the federal funds rate will decline a further 40 basis points from current levels to 3.9 percent by year-end 2025 and remain near that level through the end of 2026. Consistent with current market prices, respondents to the January Blue Chip Financial Forecasts survey expected the federal funds rate to average 3.8 percent in the fourth quarter of 2025.

Figure 34. Market-implied federal funds rate path
34. Market-implied federal funds rate paths

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Note: The federal funds rate path is implied by quotes on overnight index swaps—a derivative contract tied to the effective federal funds rate. The implied path as of July 9, 2024, is compared with that as of February 4, 2025. The path is estimated with a spline approach, assuming a term premium of 0 basis points. The July 9, 2024, path extends through 2028:Q3 and the February 4, 2025, path through 2029:Q1.

Source: Bloomberg; Federal Reserve Board staff estimates.

...and yields on long-term U.S. nominal Treasury securities are higher on net

While short-term Treasury yields declined somewhat, on net, since last July, yields on long-term nominal Treasury securities increased markedly on balance. After declining from early summer to mid-September to a level just above 3.6 percent, the 10-year Treasury yield rose notably, reaching a level of 4.6 percent by early February (figure 35). The rise in long-term nominal yields since mid-September largely reflected an increase in real yields, as measured by yields on Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities.

Figure 35. Yields on nominal Treasury securities
35. Yields on nominal Treasury securities

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Source: Department of the Treasury via Haver Analytics.

Yields on other long-term debt were little changed on net

Amid the easing of monetary policy and improved market sentiment since September, spreads on corporate bonds over comparable-maturity Treasury securities narrowed, particularly for speculative-grade bonds, and are now very low relative to their respective historical distributions. As the decline in spreads largely offset the increase in Treasury yields, corporate bond yields were little changed, on net, across credit categories and remained elevated (figure 36). Similarly, municipal bond spreads over comparable-maturity Treasury securities narrowed somewhat, on net, and stand near the bottom of the historical distribution. Meanwhile, municipal bond yields increased slightly since July. Yields on agency mortgage-backed securities (MBS)—an important factor for home mortgage interest rates—were little changed, on net, and currently stand at similar levels to those observed in June (figure 37). The MBS spreads narrowed notably but remained elevated by historical standards, at least partly due to high interest rate volatility, which increases prepayment risk and reduces the value of holding MBS.

Figure 36. Corporate bond yields, by securities rating, and municipal bond yield
36. Corporate bond yields, by securities rating, and municipal bond yield

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Note: High-yield corporate reflects the effective yield of the ICE Bank of America Merrill Lynch (BofAML) High Yield Index (H0A0). Investment-grade corporate reflects the effective yield of the ICE BofAML triple-B U.S. Corporate Index (C0A4). Municipal reflects the yield to worst of the ICE BofAML U.S. Municipal Securities Index (U0A0).

Source: ICE Data Indices, LLC, used with permission.

Figure 37. Yield and spread on agency mortgage-backed securities
37. Yield and spread on agency mortgage-backed securities

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Note: Yield shown is for the uniform mortgage-backed securities 30-year current coupon, the coupon rate at which new mortgage-backed securities would be priced at par, or face, value for dates after May 31, 2019; for earlier dates, the yield shown is for the Fannie Mae 30-year current coupon. Spread shown is to the average of the 5-year and 10-year nominal Treasury yields.

Source: Department of the Treasury; J.P. Morgan. Courtesy of J.P. Morgan Chase & Co., Copyright 2025.

Broad equity price indexes increased further

Amid elevated expectations of long-term earnings growth and broad-based optimism about the corporate outlook, the S&P 500 index increased further since June (figure 38). Similarly, equity prices for small market capitalization firms rose during this period. Bank equity prices increased during the second half of the year. One-month option-implied volatility on the S&P 500 index—the VIX—increased moderately since July amid higher uncertainty about the strength of the economy and the corresponding monetary policy path (figure 39). Currently, the level of the VIX is below the median of its historical distribution since 1990. (For a discussion of financial stability issues, see the box "Developments Related to Financial Stability.")

Figure 38. Equity prices
38. Equity prices

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Source: S&P Dow Jones Indices LLC via Bloomberg. (For Dow Jones Indices licensing information, see the Data Notes page.)

Figure 39. S&P 500 volatility
39. S&P 500 volatility

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Note: The VIX is an option-implied volatility measure that represents the expected annualized variability of the S&P 500 index over the following 30 days. The expected volatility series shows a forecast of 1-month realized volatility, using a heterogeneous autoregressive model based on 5-minute S&P 500 returns.

Source: Cboe Volatility Index® (VIX®) via Bloomberg; Refinitiv DataScope; Federal Reserve Board staff estimates.

Box 3. Developments Related to Financial Stability

This discussion reviews vulnerabilities in the U.S. financial system. The framework used by the Federal Reserve Board for assessing the resilience of the U.S. financial system focuses on financial vulnerabilities in four broad areas: asset valuations, business and household debt, leverage in the financial sector, and funding risks. All told, the financial system remains sound and resilient. Valuations remained high relative to fundamentals in a range of markets, including those for equity, corporate debt, and residential real estate. Total debt of households and nonfinancial businesses as a fraction of gross domestic product (GDP) continued to trend down to a level that is very low relative to that in the past two decades. Most banks continued to report capital levels well above regulatory requirements, but fair value losses on fixed-rate assets were still sizable for some banks. In addition, the trend of reduced reliance by banks on uninsured deposits continued, and recent Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) reforms mitigated some vulnerabilities associated with prime money market funds (MMFs). Meanwhile, hedge fund leverage appears to be high and concentrated.

Valuation pressures increased somewhat from already high levels. The ratio of equity prices to 12-month forward earnings is close to the high end of its historical range, driven to a substantial extent by the largest companies. Spreads between yields on corporate bonds and those on comparable-maturity Treasury securities were very low compared with their history. In residential property markets, the ratio of house prices to rents rose to near the highest levels on record, though high house prices do not appear to have been supported by excessive borrower leverage. Meanwhile, conditions in commercial real estate (CRE) markets have recently showed signs of stabilization after a sustained period of deterioration. Nominal long-term Treasury yields increased moderately and Treasury market depth remained low, suggesting market liquidity remained low by historical standards.

Vulnerabilities from nonfinancial business and household debt remained moderate. The combined debt of both sectors as a share of GDP continued to trend down and is at its lowest level in the past 20 years (figure A). Household debt as a share of GDP is especially subdued relative to recent history and is owed primarily by prime-rated borrowers (figure B). However, delinquency rates on credit cards and auto loans among borrowers with nonprime credit ratings remained above pre-pandemic levels. Business debt as a share of GDP has declined significantly from the post-COVID-19 peak and stands near the bottom of its range over the past decade (as shown in figure B); however, business debt as a share of business assets was high by historical standards, and private credit arrangements have also been growing rapidly. That said, measures of the ability of businesses to service their debt have been stable within typical ranges, in part reflecting robust corporate earnings.

Figure A. Private nonfinancial-sector credit-to-GDP ratio
A. Private nonfinancial-sector credit-to-GDP ratio

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Note: The shaded bars with top caps indicate periods of business recession as defined by the National Bureau of Economic Research: January 1980 to July 1980, July 1981 to November 1982, July 1990 to March 1991, March 2001 to November 2001, December 2007 to June 2009, and February 2020 to April 2020. GDP is gross domestic product. The data extend through 2024:Q3.

Source: Federal Reserve Board, Statistical Release Z.1, "Financial Accounts of the United States"; Bureau of Economic Analysis, national income and product accounts; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

Figure B. Nonfinancial business and household debt-to-GDP ratios
B. Nonfinancial business and household debt-to-GDP ratios

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Note: The shaded bars with top caps indicate periods of business recession as defined by the National Bureau of Economic Research: July 1981 to November 1982, July 1990 to March 1991, March 2001 to November 2001, December 2007 to June 2009, and February 2020 to April 2020. GDP is gross domestic product. The data extend through 2024:Q3.

Source: Federal Reserve Board, Statistical Release Z.1, "Financial Accounts of the United States"; Bureau of Economic Analysis, national income and product accounts; Federal Reserve Board staff calculations.

Vulnerabilities associated with financial leverage remained notable. The banking sector remained sound and resilient overall, and most banks continued to report capital levels well above regulatory requirements. Although fair value losses on fixed-rate assets have moderated, they were still sizable for some banks and remained sensitive to changes in long-term interest rates. The overall credit quality of banks' assets was sound, with the aggregate bank loan delinquency rate remaining at historically low levels. However, some banks, insurers, and securitization vehicles continued to have concentrated exposures to CRE. Indicators suggest that hedge fund leverage was at or near the highest level in the past decade while broker-dealer leverage stayed near historical lows. Hedge funds' Treasury cash–futures basis trade, which is highly leveraged and involves shorting a Treasury futures contract and purchasing a Treasury note deliverable into that contract, remained elevated through the second half of 2024. Separately, some highly leveraged hedge funds may also have contributed to the spike in volatility that hit equity markets in early August, as they had to quickly deleverage positions, largely to meet internal volatility targets.

Liquidity at most domestic banks remained sound. Many banks have significantly reduced the fraction of assets funded with uninsured deposits. This funding was replaced, in part, by increased use of brokered and reciprocal deposits and, at large banks, short-term wholesale funding. Some open-end bond mutual funds remained vulnerable to significant withdrawals, as they are required to permit daily redemptions despite holding assets that can suffer losses and become illiquid under stress. While the 2023–24 SEC reforms on MMFs have mitigated some vulnerabilities associated with prime MMFs, structural vulnerabilities remained in certain other short-term investment vehicles. Moreover, assets in these alternative vehicles, including prime-like offshore MMFs, as well as stablecoins which are also vulnerable to runs, grew notably in the second half of 2024. Bond and loan funds remained susceptible to redemptions during periods of stress, with more severe pressures possible if assets become more illiquid or redemptions become unusually large. In addition, life insurers continued to rely on a higher-than-average share of nontraditional liabilities.

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Major asset markets functioned in an orderly manner, but liquidity remained low

Treasury securities market functioning continued to be orderly, but a number of indicators suggest that liquidity remained low by historical standards. The persistence of low liquidity is broadly in line with the continued high level of interest rate volatility. Liquidity in equity markets continued to be low, at levels comparable with those observed last July. Meanwhile, corporate and municipal bond markets continued to function well amid stable liquidity and trading conditions.

Short-term funding market conditions remained stable

Conditions in overnight bank funding and repurchase agreement markets continued to be stable. The reduction in the target range for the federal funds rate in the September, November, and December FOMC meetings fully passed through to overnight money market rates. Since June, the effective federal funds rate has remained 7 basis points below the interest rate on reserve balances. The Secured Overnight Financing Rate has been slightly above the offering rate on the overnight reverse repurchase agreement (ON RRP) facility, except for short-lived periods of upward pressure on quarter-ends. Take-up at the ON RRP facility continued to decline amid an increase in net Treasury bill issuance and more favorable rates on private investments.

The implementation of new rules for institutional prime money market funds (MMFs) in October by the SEC passed in an orderly manner. In anticipation of the rules, there were multiple conversions from prime to government MMFs and closures of prime MMFs. Assets under management of MMFs reached historical highs in January as MMFs continued to offer favorable yields relative to bank deposits. Meanwhile, MMFs extended the maturity profile of their portfolios somewhat, on net, in the second half of 2024.

Bank credit continued to decelerate

Banks' core loan holdings continued to decelerate in the second half of 2024, growing at a 1.3 percent annualized rate, down from 1.9 percent during the first half of last year (figure 40). The subdued loan growth likely reflects still-elevated interest rates and tight lending standards. Delinquency rates remained relatively stable in the second half of 2024 following several quarters of deterioration. Even so, delinquencies for commercial real estate loans and credit cards remained elevated relative to the pre-pandemic period. In contrast, delinquency rates for commercial and industrial loans remained in line with their pre-pandemic levels. Measures of bank profitability edged down during the second half of last year amid a decline in net interest margins and remain below the levels that prevailed before the pandemic (figure 41).

Figure 40. Ratio of total commercial bank credit to nominal gross domestic product
40. Ratio of total commercial bank credit to nominal gross domestic product

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Source: Federal Reserve Board, Statistical Release H.8, "Assets and Liabilities of Commercial Banks in the United States"; Bureau of Economic Analysis via Haver Analytics.

Figure 41. Profitability of bank holding companies
41. Profitability of bank holding companies

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Note: The data extend through 2024:Q3.

Source: Federal Reserve Board, Form FR Y-9C, Consolidated Financial Statements for Holding Companies.

International Developments

Foreign economic growth has remained modest in the second half of 2024

Foreign growth remained modest in the second half of last year, as the cumulative effects of restrictive monetary policy became more pronounced, curbing both private investment and consumer spending. Additionally, in Europe, energy-intensive sectors continued to grapple with elevated energy costs that resulted from Russia's war on Ukraine. By contrast, growth in Asian economies stepped up somewhat in the second half of the year, bolstered by strong export activity in the high-tech sector associated with robust U.S. artificial intelligence and data center demand. In China, growth was also supported by a slew of government stimulus measures, including monetary easing, support for the property sector and stock market, and a program to boost consumer purchases of automobiles and large appliances. These economic stimulus measures have been enacted both to stabilize the property market, which has experienced large declines in activity and prices in recent years, and to restore confidence in the broader economy.

Inflation abroad slowed but remains uneven across economies

After mostly moving sideways in the first half of last year, foreign headline inflation slowed in the second half, largely driven by declines in core inflation (figures 42 and 43). However, progress on inflation reduction remains uneven across economies and sectors, with services inflation and wage growth still running above levels consistent with central banks' inflation objectives in several economies. China stood out with near-zero inflation, reflecting weak domestic demand and falling housing prices despite government stimulus measures. Global risks to inflation include upside risk from potential disruptions to energy supplies driven by geopolitical events and downside risk from the possibility that deflationary forces in China could become entrenched.

Figure 42. Consumer price inflation in foreign economies
42. Consumer price inflation in foreign economies

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Note: The advanced foreign economy (AFE) aggregate is the average of Canada, the euro area, Japan, and the U.K., weighted by shares of U.S. non-oil goods imports. The emerging market economy (EME) aggregate is the average of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Israel, Malaysia, Mexico, the Philippines, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam, weighted by shares of U.S. non-oil goods imports. The foreign aggregate is the import-weighted average of all aforementioned economies. The inflation measure is the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices for the euro area and the consumer price index for the other economies.

Source: Federal Reserve Board staff calculations; Haver Analytics.

Figure 43. Components of foreign consumer price inflation
43. Components of foreign consumer price inflation

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Note: The advanced foreign economy aggregate is the average of Canada, the euro area, Japan, and the U.K., weighted by shares of U.S. non-oil goods imports. The emerging market economy (EME) aggregate is the average of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Israel, Malaysia, Mexico, the Philippines, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and Vietnam, weighted by shares of U.S. non-oil goods imports, and begins in May 2017. The inflation measure is the Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices for the euro area and the consumer price index for other economies. The stacked bars measure the percentage point contribution of each component to 12-month headline inflation in each referenced period. For each of these periods, the values shown are averages over all monthly 12-month changes ending in that period. The energy component of inflation for the EMEs was little changed in 2023.

Source: Federal Reserve Board staff calculations; Haver Analytics.

Many foreign central banks continued to ease monetary policy

Many foreign central banks, including the European Central Bank and the Bank of Canada as well as several central banks in Latin America and Southeast Asia, continued to cut policy rates since mid-2024, citing declining inflationary pressures, easing labor markets, and concerns about economic growth. Policymakers generally emphasized that they are following a data-dependent approach and underscored the importance of maintaining vigilance amid persistent geopolitical risks as well as still-elevated services inflation and wage pressures in some economies.

In contrast, the Bank of Japan raised its policy rates last summer and again this January and has continued to emphasize its commitment to achieving its inflation target after more than two decades of low-inflation outcomes. Brazil was also a notable exception, as a resurgence of inflation amid tight labor markets and large depreciation of the currency has prompted the Central Bank of Brazil to raise its policy rates forcefully since early September and to signal that further hiking is likely.

Financial conditions abroad are little changed on balance...

Since mid-2024, short-term sovereign yields declined notably in many advanced foreign economies (AFEs) as many AFE central banks cut policy rates. By contrast, short-term yields rose in Japan, where market-based measures of policy expectations suggest further policy rate hikes by the Bank of Japan in 2025. Meanwhile, AFE longer-term sovereign yields rose moderately in some countries, with declines in expected policy rates being more than offset by increases in term premiums on market expectations of large bond issuance due to persistently large government deficits (figure 44). Relatedly, most AFE equity indexes were moderately higher, on net, since mid-2024.

Figure 44. Nominal 10-year government bond yields in selected advanced foreign economies
44. Nominal 10-year government bond yields in selected advanced foreign economies

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Note: The data are weekly averages of daily benchmark yields and extend through January 31, 2025.

Source: Bloomberg.

Chinese equity prices increased sharply in late September, and China-focused investment funds recorded large inflows in response to announcements by Chinese authorities of economic stimulus measures and policies to support equity markets. These movements were later partially reversed, however, as investors expressed disappointment at the size and scope of the stimulus when details of the measures became clearer. More broadly, while aggregate emerging market economy (EME) funds recorded strong inflows last September, these turned to large outflows in the fourth quarter as investors reacted to the deterioration in the economic outlook for China, rising U.S. longer-term interest rates, and the prospect of new U.S. tariffs on EME exports to the U.S. (figure 45). Nevertheless, EME sovereign spreads narrowed significantly amid a broad narrowing in dollar-denominated credit spreads.

Figure 45. Emerging market mutual fund flows and spreads
45. Emerging market mutual fund flows and spreads

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Note: The bond and equity fund flows data are semiannual sums of weekly data from December 28, 2006, to December 25, 2024, and exclude domestically focused funds in emerging market economies. Weekly data span Thursday through Wednesday, and the semiannual values are sums over weekly data for weeks ending in that half year. The J.P. Morgan Emerging Markets Bond Index Plus (EMBI+) data are weekly averages of daily data, extend through January 31, 2025, and exclude Venezuela.

Source: For bond and equity fund flows, Federal Reserve Board staff calculations and EPFR Global; for EMBI+, J.P. Morgan Emerging Markets Bond Index Plus via Bloomberg.

...and the exchange value of the dollar has increased significantly

Since mid-2024, the broad dollar index—a measure of the exchange value of the dollar against a trade-weighted basket of foreign currencies—increased significantly, on net, continuing its notable rise seen in the first half of 2024 and reaching its highest level in decades (figure 46). The dollar index was, however, somewhat volatile since mid-2024; it decreased initially as U.S. yields declined in the third quarter of 2024, before increasing steadily afterward. Market participants attributed the recent increase in the dollar index to widening gaps of U.S. interest rates over those of major AFEs, the relative strength of the U.S. economy, and political and fiscal developments in some foreign economies. Some market participants also pointed to potential increases in U.S. tariffs on imports as a factor pushing the dollar higher in recent months.

Figure 46. U.S. dollar exchange rate index
46. U.S. dollar exchange rate index

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Note: The data, which are in foreign currency units per dollar, are weekly averages of daily values of the broad dollar index and extend through January 31, 2025. As indicated by the arrow, increases in the data reflect U.S. dollar appreciation and decreases reflect U.S. dollar depreciation.

Source: Federal Reserve Board, Statistical Release H.10, "Foreign Exchange Rates."

Footnotes

 2. Because prices for housing services measure the rents paid by alltenants (and the equivalent rent implicitly paid by all homeowners)—including those whose leases have not recently come up for renewal—they tend to adjust slowly to changes in rental market conditions. Return to text

 3. The market-based services prices are derived from specific consumer price indexes or producer price indexes associated with observable market transactions, whereas the non-market-based services prices are imputed to account for the value of the service provided because no observable transactions are available. Return to text

 4. While job openings might be above pre-pandemic levels because labor demand is stronger than in that period, it might instead, at least in part, reflect changes in firms' job-posting behavior. For example, some firms might be more willing than they were pre-pandemic to post openings that they are unsure they might fill, because they experienced severe labor shortages and hiring difficulties earlier in the pandemic and want to avoid a similar situation. Return to text

 5. Job growth last year has likely been somewhat less strong than currently reported in the Current Employment Statistics (CES), as suggested by the Bureau of Labor Statistics' (BLS) preliminary benchmark revision to the CES and administrative data from the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (QCEW). The CES payroll data will be revised with the release of the January employment report on February 7, when the BLS will benchmark payroll estimates to employment counts from the QCEW as part of its annual benchmarking process. Should payroll gains be downwardly revised as suggested by these indicators, payroll employment gains would then be more consistent with the edging up of the unemployment rate last year. Return to text

 6. See U.S. Census Bureau (2024), "Net International Migration Drives Highest U.S. Population Growth in Decades," press release, December 19, https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2024/population-estimates-international-migration.htmlReturn to text

 7. Some of these more recent indicators include data from the Department of Homeland Security on encounters between migrants and Customs and Border Patrol agents on the southwest border; see U.S. Department of Homeland Security (2025), "Immigration Enforcement and Legal Processes Monthly Tables," webpage, https://ohss.dhs.gov/topics/immigration/immigration-enforcement/immigration-enforcement-and-legal-processes-monthlyReturn to text

 8. Productivity estimates can be subject to large revisions. For example, the anticipated downward revisions to payroll employment discussed in footnote 5 would likely imply a small upward revision to currently published productivity growth. Revisions to gross domestic product estimates, in either direction, could also have a substantial effect on measured productivity. Return to text

 9. These results reported from the SLOOS are based on banks' responses weighted by each bank's outstanding loans in the respective loan category, and they might therefore differ from the published SLOOS results (which are based on banks' unweighted responses). Return to text

Last Update: February 27, 2025